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Social norms and beliefs about gender based violence scale: a mensurate for utilise with gender based violence prevention programs in low-resource and humanitarian settings

  • Mendy Marsh2,
  • Amber Cloughi,
  • Amelie Desgroppesthree,
  • Clement Yope Phanuelfour,
  • Ali Abdi3,
  • Francesco Kaburu3,
  • Silje Heitmannfive,
  • Masumi Yamashina6,
  • Brendan Ross7,
  • Sophie Read-Hamilton8,
  • Rachael Turnerone,
  • Lori Heise1,9 &
  • Nancy Glass1

Conflict and Health book 13, Article number:6 (2019) Cite this article

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Abstract

Background

Gender-based violence (GBV) primary prevention programs seek to facilitate change by addressing the underlying causes and drivers of violence against women and girls at a population level. Social norms are contextually and socially derived commonage expectations of appropriate behaviors. Harmful social norms that sustain GBV include women'south sexual purity, protecting family unit accolade over women's rubber, and men'south authority to bailiwick women and children. To evaluate the bear on of GBV prevention programs, our team sought to develop a cursory, valid, and reliable measure to examine change over fourth dimension in harmful social norms and personal behavior that maintain and tolerate sexual violence and other forms of GBV confronting women and girls in low resource and complex humanitarian settings.

Methods

The development and testing of the scale was conducted in two phases: i) formative stage of qualitative inquiry to identify social norms and personal beliefs that sustain and justify GBV perpetration against women and girls; and 2) testing phase using quantitative methods to conduct a psychometric evaluation of the new scale in targeted areas of Somalia and South Sudan.

Results

The Social Norms and Beliefs about GBV Scale was administered to 602 randomly selected men (N = 301) and women (North = 301) customs members age 15 years and older across Mogadishu, Somalia and Yei and Warrup, South Sudan. The psychometric properties of the 30-detail scale are strong. Each of the three subscales, "Response to Sexual Violence," "Protecting Family Honour," and "Husband'southward Right to Use Violence" within the two domains, personal behavior and injunctive social norms, illustrate proficient gene structure, acceptable internal consistency, reliability, and are supported by the significance of the hypothesized group differences.

Conclusions

We encourage and recommend that researchers and practitioners utilise the Social Norms and Behavior most GBV Calibration in different humanitarian and global LMIC settings and collect parallel data on a range of GBV outcomes. This will let us to further validate the scale past triangulating its findings with GBV experiences and perpetration and appraise its generalizability across diverse settings.

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) remains ane of the most prevalent and persistent issues facing women and girls globally [1,2,3,4]. Conflict and other humanitarian emergencies place women and girls at increased adventure of many forms of GBV [5,6,7]. The Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) 2015 Guidelines for Integrating GBV Interventions in Humanitarian Action defines GBV as any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person'southward will and that is based on socially ascribed (i.eastward., gender) differences between females and males. It includes acts that inflict physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering, threats of such acts, compulsion, and other deprivations of liberty. These harmful acts can occur in public and in private [8]. There continues to exist express global data on the burden of GBV in humanitarian emergencies. One systematic review found that approximately one in five refugees or displaced women in complex humanitarian settings experienced sexual violence, though this is likely an underestimation of the truthful prevalence given the many barriers to survivors' disclosure of GBV [9]. A recent population-based survey on GBV across the 3 regions of Somalia examined typology and scope of GBV victimization with 2376 women (15 years and older). The study plant that amidst women, 35.6% (95% CI 33.4 to 37.9) reported lifetime experiences of physical or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) and 16.5% (95% CI 15.1 to eighteen.1) reported lifetime experience of physical or sexual not-partner violence (NPV) since the age of 15 years. Women at greatest risk of GBV (IPV and NPV) included membership in a minority clan, deportation from home considering of conflict or natural disaster, husband/partner utilise of khat (e.g., leaves chewed or drunk as a stimulant), exposure to parental violence and violence during childhood. Women survivors of GBV consistently study negative impacts on physical, mental and reproductive health. Frequently negative health and social consequences are never addressed because women practise not disclose GBV to providers or admission health care or other services (e.g., protection, legal, traditional authorities) because of social norms that arraign the adult female for the assault (eastward.chiliad., she was out alone later dark, she was not modestly dressed, she is working outside the habitation), norms that prioritize protecting family honour over safety of the survivor, and institutional credence of GBV as a normal and expected part of displacement and disharmonize [x,11,12,13].

GBV principal prevention in humanitarian settings

GBV master prevention programs seek to facilitate change by addressing the underlying causes and drivers of GBV at a population level. Such programs accept traditionally included initiatives to economically empower girls and women, enhanced legal protections for GBV, enshrining women'due south rights and gender equality within national legislation and policy, and other measures to promote gender equality. Increasingly, programs are also targeting transformation of social norms that justify and sustain credence of GBV. Social norms are contextually and socially derived commonage expectations of advisable behaviors [14]. Families and communities have shared beliefs and unspoken rules that both proscribe and prescribe behaviors that implicitly convey that GBV confronting women is acceptable, even normal [15, 16]. This includes social norms pertaining to sexual purity, family laurels, and men's say-so over women and children in the family. Community leaders, institutions, and service providers, such as wellness care, teaching and constabulary enforcement, can reinforce harmful social norms by, for example, blaming women and girls for the sexual set on they experience, or by justifying a husband'south use of concrete violence as a means to discipline his wife. Both behaviors are viewed as essential to protect the family unit'south reputation in the larger community [16].

Various academic disciplines have developed unlike theories to explain the complication of social norms and their influence on behavior. We utilize social norms theory every bit elaborated in social psychology [17]. This theory conceptualizes social norms every bit behavior of two types: 1) an individual's beliefs virtually what others typically do in a given state of affairs (i.e., descriptive norm); and 2) their beliefs about what others await them to do in a given state of affairs (i.e., injunctive norm) [18,nineteen,20]. For this study, we focus on developing a measure of injunctive norms—defined in this example as behavior nigh what influential others (e.g., parents, siblings, peers, religious leaders, teachers) wait individuals to exercise in the instance of GBV.

Even with the multiple challenges of humanitarian settings (due east.g., separation of families, insecurity and limited resources), in that location is an opportunity to develop, implement, and evaluate innovations in GBV programming. In such settings, displacement and disharmonize have created situations where social rules about who can practice what necessarily bend to accommodate new realities [16]. Women, for example, may be forced to assume new roles in the family and community, such equally having decision-making power and control over household financial resource and assets and working exterior the habitation to help support the family unit. These changing roles then lead to shifts in behavior and potentially ability relations in the family and community that challenge traditional norms around male authority and women'south relegation to the domestic sphere. These circumstances tin provide an opportunity to initiate GBV principal prevention efforts, such as those that engage community leaders and members in critical reflection on norms that legitimate gender inequality and what actions tin can be taken by the individual, family, and community to change norms that cause harm [15, 16]. Acknowledging the potential of the humanitarian setting as an opportunity for primary prevention programming and recognizing the need to strengthen GBV response systems, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) built on their work to end female genital mutilation using social norms theory [nineteen] to develop the Communities Care Program: Transforming Lives and Preventing Violence Plan (Communities Care) [21]. The goal of Communities Intendance is to create safer communities for women and girls past challenging social norms that sustain GBV and catalyzing new norms that uphold women and girls' equality, safety, and nobility [xv, 21]. The description of the Communities Intendance programme is published elsewhere [15, 16, 21].

However, a significant limitation for evaluating the effectiveness of GBV prevention programs such as Communities Care is the lack of validated instruments to measure out change in norms supporting GBV. Therefore, our goal was to create a brief, valid, and reliable measure to examine change over time in harmful social norms and personal beliefs that maintain and tolerate sexual violence and other forms of GBV in low resource and complex humanitarian settings.

While validated instruments exist to measure attitudes towards gender roles and some types of GBV [22, 23], social norms are different from private attitudes. For nearly two decades, the Demographic and Wellness Surveys (DHS), which are nationally representative surveys conducted in low and middle-income countries (LMIC), accept provided information on attitudes about the acceptability of IPV or wife beating. Respondents are asked whether a man is justified in beating his wife in 5 different situations: a wife goes out without her married man's permission; she neglects to keep the children well fed; she argues with her husband in public; she refuses to accept sexual intercourse with her husband; and she does not prepare her hubby's meal on fourth dimension. Response options for these questions are as follows: "agree," "disagree," "refuse to answer," and "don't know." These questions are designed specifically to elicit personal behavior (attitudes) about IPV; they have generally functioned well in that they capture various levels of endorsement of IPV both inside and among settings, and respondents routinely vary their answers based on the transgression mentioned.

Investigators, however, have raised questions nearly whether the DHS questions reverberate respondents' ain personal beliefs on the acceptability of chirapsia or women's perception of the social norm operative in their setting. Cerebral interviews with women in Bangladesh, for example, suggested that women's interpretation of the attitude questions switched betwixt personal and normative behavior, although it is hard to know whether this happens routinely in other settings, or whether information technology was a function of the especially low literacy and female mobility of rural Bangladesh [24, 25].

Scientists have besides warned that changing key features of a scenario (e.m., setting, perpetrator, infraction committed, perceived intentionality) can influence measured attitudes and perceived norms on the acceptability of GBV. For example, in Republic of uganda, researchers randomly assigned participants to answer attitude and norm questions on wife beating using three carve up wordings [26]. The attitude questions compared the traditional wording of the DHS (whether a man is justified in chirapsia his wife for v unlike infractions) to more than contextualized scenarios that depicted the wife's transgression as either willful or across her control. To elicit norms related to wife beating, participants were asked nearly the extent to which they thought other people in their hamlet (reference group) would call up the behavior described was justified. Response options for the v questions followed a four-betoken Likert-type scale: "all or almost all, for example, at least ninety% of people in your village," "more than than half but fewer than xc% of people in your hamlet," "fewer than half but more than 10% of people in your village," and "very few or none, for example, less than 10% of people in your hamlet."

The findings demonstrated that when measuring both attitudes and social norms, adding contextual details almost the intentionality of a wife's transgression changed participants' perception of the acceptability of IPV. In the vignettes, wives who intentionally violated norms about acceptable wifely behavior had a "large" effect [27] on increasing the number of items for which married woman chirapsia was viewed as acceptable. In dissimilarity, the vignette that depicted the wife every bit unintentionally violating norms of behavior had a "small" event in decreasing the number of items where IPV was considered acceptable. The report authors interpreted this difference as measurement error, arguing that question wordings without context may mis-represent attitudes and norms on violence. While context does thing, the specific details added in this written report were likely disquisitional to its findings. Qualitative studies have repeatedly shown that wife beating in LMIC is understood as "discipline" and its acceptability varies depending on the nature of the transgression (whether information technology is perceived as for "simply cause"), who is doing the "correction," and whether the beating stays within adequate premises of severity [24, 25, 28,29,30].

In this newspaper, we describe the determinative research and psychometric testing of the Social Norms and Beliefs well-nigh Gender Based Violence (GBV) Scale. The Scale is designed to mensurate modify over time in harmful social norms and personal beliefs associated with violence confronting women and girls among men and women community members in low resource and complex humanitarian settings. The development and validation of the scale was essential for use in measuring change in harmful social norms and beliefs among community members in districts and regions implementing the Communities Care program in two countries with ongoing humanitarian crises, Somalia and South Sudan. The evolution and testing of the scale was conducted in two phases: one) formative stage of qualitative inquiry to identify social norms and personal beliefs that sustain and justify GBV perpetration against women and girls beyond the lifespan in low-resource and humanitarian contexts; and 2) testing stage using quantitative methods to conduct a psychometric evaluation of the new scale in targeted areas of Somalia and S Sudan.

Methods

Study settings

The formative and testing phases of the psychometric evaluation was conducted in two countries, Somalia and South Sudan. In Southern Central Somalia, we worked in four districts (Bondhere, Karaan, Wadajir, Yaqshid) in Mogadishu and in Due south Sudan, nosotros worked in two regions (Yei and Warrap). Somalia has experienced more than than two decades of conflict likewise as ongoing emergencies including drought, famine, and a big number of internally displaced people (IDPs). Yei is located in southwestern S Sudan and was the re-entry indicate for Due south Sudanese who fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda during the 2d Sudanese Ceremonious War. Since many people stayed in Yei upon returning, at that place is disharmonize between those native to Yei and IDPs from other regions of South Sudan. Warrap is in the northern region of South Sudan and is a gateway between S Sudan and Sudan. Militia activity, cattle-raiding, and conflict over oil, forth with the influx of people returning to Due south Sudan, has acquired significant challenges for admission to and use of express resources. The districts and regions in each country were selected based on multiple factors. We focused efforts on districts and regions where GBV reporting systems existed and could be accessed to generate data on example reports and referrals. When engaging GBV survivors and other customs members in inquiry on sensitive bug information technology is essential to have partnerships with various service sectors (east.thou., health, protection, legal, advocacy) for participants that disclose GBV and request referrals. The evaluation also required safe access to the sites and security while doing the study for both participants and local researchers, therefore this required establishing relationships and obtaining permission from national, regional, and district governmental authorities and ministries besides as traditional leaders in the communities.

Phase 1: Formative phase methods

For the formative phase, we worked with local partners to identify male and female key stakeholders (e.one thousand., religious leaders, youth and women's grouping leaders, advocates for GBV survivors, health providers, kid protection staff, police force officers, traditional leaders, elders, and teachers) to accelerate our understanding of and identify harmful and protective social norms associated with GBV within and across settings. The focus group guide was developed and translated to the local language in partnership with team members in each setting. Johns Hopkins provided in-depth training to local staff on facilitating focus groups, data collection, human subjects' protections, working with distressed participants, and providing referrals to services every bit appropriate. The focus group guide focused on identification of social norms that protect women and girls from sexual violence and other forms of GBV, norms that are harmful (e.g., hide, sustain, or encourage), norms most disclosing and reporting sexual violence and other forms of GBV to regime, and who are the people in the family or larger community that are influential in maintaining and irresolute social norms. For example, the team used scenarios created from aggregating GBV experiences in each setting to explore social norms most the situations and the survivor-perpetrator relationship. We varied the perpetrator and circumstances in each scenario from the perpetrator being a family unit member, a known person to the family simply not part of the family, and an unknown person. For each scenario, focus group participants were asked about their behavior and norms nigh how the family and community would answer to victims of the sexual assault or other forms of GBV, if the assault would exist reported to government, and reasons for reporting or non reporting the assault.

Qualitative assay

A qualitative descriptive arroyo was used to identify themes related to harmful and protective social norms within and beyond settings. The transcripts were read past three research team members to identify thematic codes. Themes with sub-themes were identified and defined by exemplars or quotes from the transcripts. The three researchers independently assigned codes and discrepancies in coding were discussed in weekly meetings. The codes and corresponding quotes were used to write items for the calibration representing each of the identified themes. The themes, sub-themes, and items were then shared with the in-land teams in a joint Somalia/South Sudan coming together. The relevance of the themes and their interpretation for each context was discussed leading to a refinement of the items. Meeting participants from each country rated the importance of each item and offered suggestions on wording of the items to ensure they were capturing the relevant aspects of the different contexts and cultures.

Results of phase 1: Formative phase

A total of 42 focus groups (22 in Somalia and 20 in S Sudan) with a total of 215 participants (111 in Somalia and 104 in Due south Sudan) were conducted. The composition of the focus groups varied by stakeholders (e.1000., religious leaders, service providers, teachers, constabulary, youth, elders), age (nether 30, 31–45, and 46+), marital status, and sex. Themes identified for social norms that are protective confronting GBV included parents teaching/guiding children, marriage, and respect for female members of the family. Themes identified as harmful social norms included men's responsibleness/correct to correct female behavior and the social expectation that a woman will obey her hubby and fulfill her gender prescribed duties to his satisfaction, protecting the family's dignity past not reporting violence/assault to avoid stigma associated with being a victim, husband's right to force his married woman to have sex, lack of status for women, and forced marriage. Mothers, fathers, parents, customs and religious leaders, and male relatives were seen as people that influenced behavior and protected women and girls from GBV. Men and women's beliefs also emerged as subthemes associated with harmful social norms, such as indecent dressing, being out in public lonely, and drug/booze use. Stigma associated with existence a GBV victim, blaming women and girls for the violence/assail, and the importance of family award and respect were identified as norms that prevent victims and families from reporting sexual violence and other forms of GBV to authorities. Items for the new scale were written for each of the themes and sub-themes relevant to harmful social norms and afterward elimination of redundant items, 30 items remained and were presented to the in-country teams. After discussion about the focus group themes and the items with the in-country teams, a full of 18 items remained. The team and so collaborated to develop introductory statements and response scales for each of two domains of the scale, personal beliefs and injunctive social norms. The final scale to be tested in the evaluation phase had two sets of the xviii items, one for each domain.

Methods for phase 2: Psychometric testing

Sample

At each of the 3 sites in the ii countries detailed to a higher place, trained local research administration (RAs) recruited and consented 200 community members (xv years and older) to complete the Social Norms and Beliefs about Gender Based Violence Scale. The sampling frame was stratified by age grouping (15–eighteen, xix–24, 25–45, 46+ years) and sexual practice with a target of 25 people per age group/sex combination. Every bit suggested by the in-land teams, male RAs recruited and interviewed male person community members and female person RAs recruited and interviewed female customs members. Each RA recruited participants across historic period groups. The RA started from a primal point determined by the research coordinator each morning. The RA would contact every 3rd house/home counting on both sides of the street/pathway. If nobody was abode, the person was not willing to participate, or the person did not match the sampling target for sex/age, the RA went to the next house/dwelling. In one case a RA identified and consented an eligible participant in the household and completed the scale, the RA started the process to identify the next eligible participant by going to the side by side 3rd firm/dwelling on the street/pathway. Simply one eligible household member completed the scale.

Field procedures

RAs received detailed training on protocols for maintaining participant confidentiality and condom too equally protocols designed to ensure prophylactic and security for the team members. In the field, when a RA identified an adult at a house/abode, he/she introduced the study. If that person met the eligibility criteria and agreed to participate, the RA worked with the participant to detect a individual and comfortable identify to provide informed consent and administer the calibration. If that person did not meet eligibility, he/she was asked if there was someone living in the household that did meet the eligibility. The RA provided each potential participant with informed consent information using the script provided on the written report tablet and approved past the in-country squad and the Johns Hopkins Medical Institution Institutional Review Lath (IRB). If the eligible participant provided exact consent the RA continued and administered the scale with brief demographic questions, including marital status, employment, and children in the household. The responses were entered past the RA direct on the tablet. Once finished, the RA thanked the participant for their fourth dimension and answered any questions prior to moving on.

Measures

The 18 items generated from the formative phase were asked in 2 sets to capture the ii domains, personal beliefs and injunctive norms. The injunctive social norms items started with "How many of the people whose opinion matters most to you…." with the response scale of: 1 – None of them, 2 – A few of them, three – Almost one-half of them, 4 – Most of them, and 5 – All of them. The personal beliefs items started with "We would like to know if you think any of the following statements are incorrect and should exist changed in your customs. We also would like to understand how fix or willing you lot are to have action past speaking out on the issues you think are wrong" and used the response scale: 1 – Agree with this statement, two – I am non certain if I concur or disagree with this argument, iii – I disagree with the statement but am non ready to tell others, and 4 – I disagree with the argument and I am telling others that this is wrong. The calibration was translated into Somali and the translation was reviewed by the Somalia team and revised before information technology was programmed into the study tablet. In South Sudan, the scale was administered in the Kakwa language in Yei and Dinka language in Warrap. As these are not commonly written languages in Southward Sudan, the team preferred using the English version of the scale programmed on the tablet and translated into the local language at time of assistants. The Due south Sudan team training included discussions and decisions on right translation of items in the 2 languages and and then the team practiced administering with volunteers not participating in the report to ensure consistency in real-fourth dimension translation across RAs and sites.

Psychometric analyses

For each of the two domains of the scale, we examined construct validity with factor analysis using the common factor model with oblique rotation. Factor loadings of .40 or to a higher place were considered as loading on a given factor [31]. Items that did non load on any gene were considered for revision or elimination from the scale. Reliability was estimated with Cronbach'due south alpha for each gene subscale. Known groups validity was examined by testing 2 a priori hypotheses: Hi: The sites (Somalia, Yei, South Sudan, and Warrup, Southward Sudan) differ on social norms and personal beliefs due to differences in the extent of GBV programming inside the districts of Mogadishu and regions of South Sudan; and H2: Men and women participants will differ on social norms and personal behavior related to GBV. The starting time hypothesis was tested with analysis of variance and the second with t-tests.

Results of psychometric testing

The team administered the Social Norms and Beliefs nigh GBV Scale to 602 community members beyond Mogadishu, Somalia and Yei and Warrup, South Sudan. The sampling frame was successfully implemented by the research team with 50.0% of participants across the settings being female and 50.0% male with an equal distribution across age groups except in Yei, Due south Sudan. The team in Yei reported having difficulty finding community members in the region over 60 years of age. The lack of older community members could exist related to deaths in the Second Civil War from 1983 to 2005. Over half (58.6%) of the participants were married and had children in the abode (67.4%). One third (34%) reported working outside the home, 10.one% were looking for work, 21.4% were students, 29.4% were housewives, and 4.7% were likewise old to work. Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the participants by country and site.

Tabular array 1 Demographic characteristics of participants N (percent)

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Cistron analysis

The factor analysis for the items in the injunctive norms domain of the scale was based on responses from participants that completed all items (N = 587, 97.5%). There were three of the 18 items on the injunctive social norms scales that did not load on any factor and were thus removed from the scale. The first item "wait daughters to be married before 15 years of age" likely did not correlate with the other items on the scale because early union is seen as a different concept than sexual violence. The 2d particular "call back that if an unmarried woman/girl is raped by a man, she should marry him rather than not being married at all" captures ii unlike concepts—marrying the man who raped her and that being better than not being married at all. This complexity likely fabricated the question difficult to respond. The third item "expect a woman non to report her husband for forcing her to have sexual intercourse" did not reflect a consistent social norm. Discussions with the in-country teams revealed that at that place was considerable debate on this particular even among people who agreed on other items. Based on the eigenvalues (outset 5 eigenvalues were 4.27, 1.82, ane.23, 0.94, 0.81), the remaining 15 items formed three factors (Table 2 presents the factor loadings for each item on each of the three factors) with each detail loading above 0.xl on merely one gene. The following titles were given to represent the iii factors, later describes equally subscales: "Response to Sexual Violence" has 5 items, "Protecting Family Honor" has 6 items, and "Husband's Right to Utilize Violence" has 4 items. The "Response to Sexual Violence" and "Husbands' Correct to Use Violence" subscales had the highest inter-cistron correlation (0.46) followed past "Response to Sexual Violence" and "Protecting Family unit Honor" (0.34), then "Protecting Family Honor" and "Husbands' Correct to Utilize Violence" (0.xxx). Importantly, these iii factors were consistent with and reflected the themes identified from the qualitative analyses of the focus groups in Phase 1. A very similar factor construction was found for the personal beliefs domain (N = 588, 97.7%). Eigenvalues (get-go v eigenvalues were 4.46, ane.76, ane.46, 0.90, 0.88) suggested 3 factors as illustrated in Table three. All items loaded at 0.45 or greater on only ane of the 3 factors. One item, "a woman/girl would be stigmatized if she were to report rape" loaded on the "Response to Sexual Violence" in the personal beliefs domain whereas the corresponding detail, "women/girls fear stigma if they were to report sexual violence", loaded on the "Protecting Family Award" subscale for the social norms domain. The inter-gene correlations on the personal beliefs domain were also very similar to the injunctive social norms domain calibration: "Response to Sexual Violence" and "Husbands' Right to Use Violence" had the highest correlation (0.43) followed past "Response to Sexual Violence" and "Protecting Family Honor" (0.32), and then "Protecting Family Accolade" and "Husbands' Right to Apply Violence" (0.26).

Table two Factor loadings and Cronbach alphas (concluding row of table) for the injunctive social norms scales (N = 587)

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Table iii Factor structure and Cronbach'south blastoff (concluding row of table) for the personal behavior scales (N = 587)

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Reliability

Cronbach blastoff reliabilities, a measure of internal consistency of the scale, were in an acceptable range for all factors/subscales within each domain. Cronbach alphas ranged from 0.69 to 0.75 for the injunctive norms domain and 0.71 to 0.77 for the personal beliefs domain (the final row of Tables two and 3 present the Cronbach alphas for each scale).

Descriptive statistics

Scores for each of the factors (subscales) were computed by taking the average of the items within the subscales. The injunctive social norms domain subscales scores range from 1 to five with college scores reflecting more negative responses to sexual violence and GBV, stronger back up for social norms that prioritize protecting family honor past non reporting sexual violence or other forms of GBV, and stronger support for norms endorsing a hubby's right to utilize violence. Personal beliefs subscales can range from 1 to 4 with higher scores reflecting a more positive response to survivors of sexual violence, that protecting family accolade and not reporting sexual violence is wrong, and that a husband should not have the right to use violence confronting his wife. The means, standard deviations, minimum, and maximum observed score for each of the subscales in each domain are presented in Table 4. In full general, the mean for the injunctive social norms subscales reverberate participants' views that "few to about half" of the people who are important/influential to them endorse harmful social norms almost GBV with "Protecting Family unit Honor" existence the strongest norm (means range from ii.00 to two.77). The mean for the personal beliefs subscales reflects that participant behavior range between "non being certain if they disagree" with the norms to "disagreeing only non being ready to speak out against them." Specifically, participants' behavior ranged betwixt not beingness sure if they disagree to disagreeing merely non ready to speak out against protecting family unit honour (mean = 2.61) and husband'southward correct to employ violence (hateful = 2.90). Participants indicated that they were betwixt disagreeing simply non beingness ready to tell others to telling others that negative responses to sexual violence survivors are wrong (mean = iii.29). Cantankerous domain correlations were − .318 (p < .001) for "Response to Sexual Violence", −.512 (p < .001) for "Protecting Family Honor", and − .427 (p < .001) for "Hubby'due south Right to Use Violence."

Table 4 Descriptive statistics for subscales inside each domain (Northward = 587)

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Known groups validity

Analysis of variance with Bonferroni post-hoc tests revealed that the three sites differed significantly on all subscales for the injunctive social norms domain (i.due east., "Response to Sexual Violence," p < .001; "Protecting Family Honor," p = .039; "Hubby'southward Right to Use Violence," p < .001). Women and men participants in Yei, S Sudan, where in that location are few GBV programs and services, reported social norms that are significantly more accepting of sexual violence and other forms of GBV than Warrap, S Sudan and Mogadishu, Somalia. In terms of personal behavior, women and men in Yei were also significantly less likely to speak out against harmful responses to sexual violence and other GBV (p < .001). In Mogadishu, Somalia, men and women were significantly less likely to speak out against "Protecting Family Accolade" (p < .001) and "Husband'south Right to Employ Violence" (p < .001) than the sites in South Sudan. Tabular array v summarizes the t-test results examining differences in the subscales for both domains betwixt men and women. Women participants had significantly higher scores on all of the subscales for the injunctive social norms, indicating women were more probable to endorse harmful norms related to "Response to Sexual Violence", "Protecting Family Honor", and "Married man's Right to Use Violence" than men. Men and women did not differ on personal beliefs almost "Response to Sexual Violence", however, men reported that they are more prepare to speak out against harmful social norms of "Protecting Family Laurels" and "Married man'due south Right to Employ Violence" than women.

Tabular array five Gender differences on subscales within the Injunctive Social Norms and Personal Beliefs domains – Means (SD)

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Discussion

The psychometric backdrop of the Social Norms and Beliefs nearly GBV Scale (last calibration is presented in Additional file i) are potent. Each of the iii subscales, "Response to Sexual Violence," "Protecting Family Honor," and "Husband's Right to Use Violence" inside the two domains of the calibration illustrate skillful factor structure, acceptable internal consistency, reliability, and are supported by the significance of the hypothesized group differences. These three factors represent social norms that are known from previous research to maintain the high rates of GBV in many global settings [28]. The "Response to Sexual Violence" subscale captures the individual, family unit, and community response of blaming the victim for GBV. Nigh often a woman or daughter is blamed for the sexual assault or other form of GBV and the family unit and larger community can reply with rejection and sentence of her behavior, which tin can effect in the family not supporting or abandoning the victim. It reflects the acceptance of sexual violence and other forms of GBV as expected or even normal and that women and girls need to limit their movement and actions to prevent men from assaulting them, as men are not able to control their beliefs if they are "tempted" by women. High scores on the injunctive norms domain of this subscale represent that the respondents believe that their influential others wait people to endorse victim blaming responses to sexual violence and other forms of GBV. The "Protecting Family Honor" subscale identifies the stigma associated with existence a fellow member of a family/clan where a women/daughter experiences GBV and the importance placed on addressing the violence within the family/clan rather than reporting it to authorities. The priority is to protect the family and victim'south reputations rather than the safety and well-being of the woman or girl. High scores on the injunctive domain of this subscale represent that the respondent believes their influential other expects people to prioritize protecting family honor over rubber and well-being of victims. The "Married man'southward Right to Use Violence" subscale reflects social norms that back up a married man'southward employ of violence to field of study his married woman and to have sexual activity with her even when she does not want to. It also reflects a norm that assembly a human being's utilize of violence against his married woman with illustrating his love for her. High scores on the injunctive norms domain for this subscale indicates that the respondents believe their influential others look people to endorse a married man's correct to apply violence against his wife. High scores on the personal beliefs domains for each of the subscales reflect a greater willingness to speak out against social norms that endorse GBV.

Validity of the injunctive norms subscales was supported by significant relationships with other variables (i.east., site and sex activity) equally hypothesized during the development of the scale. The three sites were significantly different on the injunctive norms domain of the scale. Although all three sites experienced a loftier degree of conflict, the amount of humanitarian services to back up GBV survivors and programming to raise sensation and modify harmful social norms towards GBV varied. Mogadishu districts participating in the study had relatively active programming, with Warrap and Yei reporting few international and local NGOs with capacity to provide diverse GBV services and programs. Yei, Southward Sudan was found to accept significantly stronger norms that endorse negative "Response to Sexual Violence" and other forms of GBV than other sites. The behavior of participants from Yei also indicated less support for changing harmful social norms nearly GBV than other sites in the study. Participants in the four districts of Mogadishu scored the lowest on the personal beliefs subscales of "Husband'southward Correct to Utilise Violence" and "Protecting Family Honor." This finding indicates that participants were less willing to speak out confronting social norms that back up husbands' rights to use violence against their wives or norms that back up not reporting sexual violence to protect family honor than the S Sudan sites. Important to interpreting the findings are the differences in context, culture, and organized religion beyond the sites which inform social norms and personal beliefs.

Generalizability is one of the indicators of trustworthiness of the Social Norms and Behavior about GBV scale – the ability to interpret and apply the calibration in a broader context to make it relevant and meaningful to GBV prevention programs existence implemented and evaluated in various low-resources and humanitarian settings. Importantly, the 36-detail 2 domain scaled practical with community members by local teams in diverse districts and regions within Somalia and Southward Sudan resulted in a valid and reliable 30-item scale to measure personal behavior and injunctive social norms. The psychometric phase included randomly selected women and men across multiple historic period groups (15 years and older), living in both urban and rural communities, and included community members living in settlements and camps for displaced persons. Thus, the scale has the potential to be used in not only humanitarian settings, merely also GBV prevention programs in other low-resource and fragile settings.

Although this psychometric evaluation has several strengths, including a mixed methods design to develop the scale and a large sample size to test the scale across diverse sites, information technology has limitations. The study does not include a separate validation sample to behave a confirmatory cistron assay. Further, nosotros did not test the relationship between the Social Norms and Behavior near GBV Scale and community members' reports on experience, perpetration, or witnessing of GBV in the participating communities. The research team decided in collaboration with local partners not to ask participants in the evaluation phase about personal experiences with GBV for either the scale evolution or testing. The local colleagues felt community members would exist more comfortable and likely to participate in the scale evolution and testing if they were not asked about their own experiences and thus too increasing generalizability.

Conclusion

The study presents a mixed methods arroyo to developing a brief calibration with strong psychometric backdrop to measure out modify in harmful social norms associated with GBV. The Social Norms and Beliefs About GBV Calibration is a 30-item scale with three subscales, "Response to Sexual Violence," "Protecting Family unit Honor," and "Husband's Correct to Apply Violence" in each of the 2 domains, personal beliefs and injunctive social norms. The scale to our knowledge is one of the first to demonstrate practiced factor structure, acceptable internal consistency, and reliability, and be supported by the significance of the hypothesized group differences by setting and sexual practice. We encourage and recommend that researchers employ the Social Norms and Beliefs near GBV Scale in different humanitarian and global LMIC settings and collect parallel data on a range of GBV outcomes. This will allow u.s. to further validate the scale by triangulating its findings with GBV experiences and perpetration and assess its generalizability across diverse settings.

Abbreviations

DHS:

Demographic and Wellness Surveys

DRC:

Democratic Republic of Congo

GBV:

Gender-based violence

IASC:

Inter-Agency Standing Commission

IDP:

Internally displaced persons

IPV:

Intimate partner violence

IRB:

Institutional Review Board

LMIC:

Depression and eye-income countries

NPV:

Not-partner violence

RA:

Research assistant

UNICEF:

Un Children's Fund

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Acknowledgements

We acknowledge our committed and talented implementing partners in South Sudan, two national NGOs, Vocalization for Alter in Cardinal Equatoria State and The Organization for Children Harmony in Warrup State. In Somalia, the Italian NGO, Comitato Internazionale per LoSviluppo dei Popoli (CISP) Mogadishu and other regions of the country.

Funding

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) provided the funding for the Communities Intendance program.

Availability of data and materials

The Communities Care program toolkit is bachelor through Un Children's Fund (UNICEF). Requests for inquiry data and materials tin can be obtained by contacting UNICEF.

Writer information

Affiliations

  1. Johns Hopkins School of Nursing, 525 N Wolfe Street, Baltimore, Doctor, 21205, USA

    Nancy Perrin, Amber Clough, Rachael Turner, Lori Heise & Nancy Drinking glass

  2. UNICEF, New York, NY, United states

    Mendy Marsh

  3. Comitato Internazionale per lo Sviluppo dei Popoli (CISP) Somalia, Nairobi, Republic of kenya

    Amelie Desgroppes, Ali Abdi & Francesco Kaburu

  4. Voice For Change, Yei, South Sudan

    Clement Yope Phanuel

  5. Norwegian Church building Aid, Oslo, Kingdom of norway

    Silje Heitmann

  6. UNICEF, Geneva, Switzerland

    Masumi Yamashina

  7. UNICEF Somalia, Mogadishu, Somalia

    Brendan Ross

  8. Consultant, Gender based violence in Emergencies, Sydney, Australia

    Sophie Read-Hamilton

  9. Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Wellness, Baltimore, USA

    Lori Heise

Contributions

NP, NG, MM, Ac, SRH, SH, FK, Advertizing, MY designed the written report. MM, SRH, NP, RT, LH, NG and AC identified the theoretical framework for the determinative and psychometric phases of the study. NG, NP, and LH conducted the psychometric analysis. MY, CYP, AA, Ac, NP and NG implemented and estimation the study findings in South Sudan and SH, BR, Advertising, AA, FK, AC, NG and NP implemented and interpretation of the study findings in Somalia. NP, NG, RT, AC and LH finalized the manuscript.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Nancy Drinking glass.

Ideals declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

The appropriate federal and state government ministry in each of Somalia and South Sudan and the Johns Hopkins Medical Institution Institutional Review Board (IRB) canonical the report protocol and oral consent. The authorities ministry building provided a letter of the alphabet of approval to Johns Hopkins and the local implementing partners to use equally they reached out to regime and key stakeholders to implement the research in each participating customs.

Consent for publication

The authors of the manuscript provide consent for the publication.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

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Social Norms and Beliefs about Gender Based Violence Calibration. (DOCX 17 kb)

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Perrin, Northward., Marsh, M., Clough, A. et al. Social norms and beliefs about gender based violence scale: a measure for use with gender based violence prevention programs in depression-resource and humanitarian settings. Confl Wellness xiii, 6 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-019-0189-10

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Keywords

  • Gender-based violence
  • Global health
  • Humanitarian
  • Metrics
  • Calibration
  • Social norms

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